中國大陸必須遏制台獨勢力
（李哲夫）
Beijing Must Take Actions Pushing Unification: the Only Way to Avert Taiwanese
Separatism
Che-Fu Lee
May 17, 2004
I was surprised by the results of Taiwan’s 3/20 general election, not so
much about A-bien winning with a slight margin but about earning about one-
half of popular ballots by the “pan-blue” camp. Led by Lien/Soong, the blue
camp offered literally no distinct campaign platforms from the green camp.
A-bien framed his political campaign in terms of a strong defiance to “one
China” principle and to the pressure and caution from Washington of not to
provoke.
Beijing. Whereas this would not necessarily appeal to everyone, Lien/Soong
were too indecisive or timid to counter A-bien’s position. Therefore, I
took that 50 percent votes for the blue camp as an indication that there
remained a substantial portion of Taiwanese voters who were not ready to jump
on the wagon of “Taiwan independence.”
For pro-unification people, of whom I am one, this is a gratifying situation.
Given nearly twenty years of designed erosion of the Chinese nationalism
by Lee tenghui and Chen suibien, the core of Chinese identity is still
palpable in Taiwan. That means there is still plenty of room to work on
reinforcing the unity of China against Taiwanese separatism. Unfortunately, as
it appears,
political parties like KMT, People First, etc., the new off-shoots on Taiwan
soil (none ever object to the concept of “ROC on Taiwan”) of the old Chinese
Nationalist Party, are no longer dependable as the prime movers for China
unification. Their vest interest resides also in keeping Taiwan separate
from China’s mainland, not much different from the DPP’s.
For nearly a quarter century since Beijing adopted the “peaceful unification”
policy, the top leadership has had little time or energy to focus on
effective moves toward actual unification with Taiwan, other than reiterating
the bottom line of guarding against the Taiwan independence. The recovery
of sovereignty of Hong Kong and Macao did take up a lot of attention during
the 1980s and 1990s. It was also assumed (by the leadership) that plementation
of “one country, two systems” in these two territories will have demonstration
effect on Taiwan for its return. Alas, during the same time period Lee tenhui
mobilized his regime’s resources, including the oppressing forces of shutting
up dissent, to demonize Beijing –the Chinese Communist (Zhong Gong).
Consequently, in the mind of most Taiwanese, one-country-two-systems is
just another tricky strategy to rule over Taiwan (Tongzan Yinmao). And,
Beijing agencies for Taiwan affairs cannot but feel frustrated and powerless,
on one hand, and deem Taiwanese compatriots incomprehensible, on the other.
All in all, however, Beijing has assumed a role of sideline observer as
far as the Taiwan affairs are concerned. It is time for Beijing leadership to
reconsider such a passive role whether it is appropriate for the changing
scenario inside Taiwan. There is no longer any reliable and influential
force on the island to call upon to counter the deliberate and resourceful
movement to construct anti-China “Taiwanese identity.” Without effective
counter-movement, Taiwan’s hostility to Mainland China will grow without
checks.
How to turn around from playing a passive to an active role in marching
toward China’s complete unification? A number of obvious and not so obvious
ways may be suggested:
• Beijing has been following an unsaid rule –extremely cautious and
thus secretive about with whom of those from Taiwan or even overseas they
are in touch. The rationale for this is the fear that individuals known to
be connected with the Communist China will be labeled and scandalized. There
may have been some truth to this in the earlier era when Taiwanese visitors
werenew and rare. Persistence on this secrecy over a long period of time,
however, is to cave in to the Taiwanese separatists’ self-righteousness that
they are the only true grit, who love Taiwan, putting Taiwan first. Anyone
who has anything to do with China, Communists is a turncoat who betrays
Taiwan, who is the communist fellow traveler, the instrument of the united
front warfare.
It is time for Beijing, preferably non-governmental organizations (NGOs), to
stand up to support openly Chinese in Taiwan and overseas, who are actively
contributing to the realization of China’s complete unification, and to
serve as a hub of the unification networks in Taiwan and overseas.
• Once the strategy is redirected from secretive to open approach,
numerous means and tactics can be developed. Economic, political, social-
cultural measures of support can be devised in detailed and concrete doable
ways by people in various lines of walk and specialty.
• Moral righteousness of unification must be backed up by legal clarity
of what is a right or wrong conduct. I am glad to hear that the requirement
of a unification legislation is again brought up to the table. Once there
is a domestic law of unification governing both sides of the Taiwan Strait
that it judges what conducts impede the progress of unification process and
hence threaten the integrity of sovereignty and territory of one China, the
law can be enforced to remove the obstacles in the way of unification. The
enforcement of a domestic law comes from police forces. Thus, a law of
unification will enable a translation of military confrontation over the
Taiwan issue into a domestic law enforcement. External intervention of any
international nature will find no justification.
• Unification efforts between Taiwan and Mainland China cannot be
separated from progress in reforms and reconstruction of the latter. China’s
attempts on rule of law, transparency and accountability of administration,
civil participation in government, respect of human rights and liberty must
persevere and achieve incessantly. Respect of human rights, for example,
has recently been written into the constitution. Independence of
jurisprudence, free from political interference, can be demonstrated by an
overhaul of prison cases which were sentenced without due processes or in
violation of human rights. The enlightenment can be enhanced not only by
actual implementations of reform policies, but also by a clear announcement
of road maps leading to each policy accomplishment.
• Another less obvious appeal to unification is the China’s leadership
long-term vision of nation-building. Economically, the vision of next 20
to 50 years seems relatively clear. By the first quarter of this century China
aims at a comfortable level of living standard for all and by the mid-century
China arrives at the level of affluence equal to the contemporary developed
nations. But, as one of my students said once, China tries hard to catch
up with others, others, nonetheless, will move forward again by then. If the
western democracy of party politics is not suitable for China in present
conditions, will it be modeled after 20, 50 years from now? How will home-
grown democracy of China look like? How will it evolve with or without popular
demand? Can these subjects be open to intellectual discussions, debates
and exchanges between power holders and outsiders? Are political leaders
interested in knowing what the advanced academicians think? Common people
think?
• Finally, a judicious selection of reputable individuals, who are
Taiwanese compatriots standing by the national interests of one China,
knowledgeable of development conditions of both sides of the Strait, and
holding a global perspective, is necessary to consult and participate in
managing the Taiwan affairs. It will help promote mutual understanding,
trust and generate momentum of cooperation for unification. As the
experimental economic special zones have transformed the central planning
to a socialist market economy, the Taiwan issue calls for a “political
special zones” to allow for outside inputs. If the market economy permits
competition on merits,
it is high time for the grand enterprise of China’s complete unification
to allow for the most cost-effective, public persuasive political competitors
to prevail.
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